To Permanent Representatives of Member and Observer States of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council (Geneva, Switzerland)

Burundi: The Human Rights Council should further extend the Special Rapporteur’s mandate

Excellencies,

As human rights violations continue to be committed in Burundi in a context of widespread impu­nity, and as the country is in the middle of an electoral cycle that will culminate in the 2027 pre­si­den­tial election and risks closing remaining avenues for peaceful expression of dissent, the UN Hu­man Rights Coun­cil should maintain its scrutiny of the country’s situation.

Ahead of the Council’s 63^rd session (7 Sep­tem­ber-7 October 2026), we, the un­der­­si­gned civil society orga­ni­sa­tions, write to stress the importance of the Spe­cial Rap­port­eur on the situ­ation of human rights in Burundi and urge your delegation to support a new extension of his mandate.

In resolution 60/15, adopted in October 2025, the Council condemned a range of human rights violations and abuses committed in Burundi, including extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, arbitrary ar­rests and detentions, acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, and sexual and gender-based vio­lence, as well as “widespread impunity,” and dep­lo­red the “reduced space for civil society, citizen activism, independent media, [and] political participa­tion.”

In addition to those mentioned in Council re­so­lutions, human rights violations in Burundi include in­hu­mane detention conditions, inc­lu­ding as a result of prison overcrowding and abuse, prolonged detentions due to a complete disregard for basic due process guarantees, with political prisoners remaining incar­ce­rated despite having been acquitted or having served their sentence in full, violations of the rights of returning refugees, and violations of economic, social and cultural rights.

Additionally, in resolution 60/15, the Council recalled that “the States members of the Human Rights Council shall uphold the highest standards in the promotion and protection of human rights and shall fully cooperate with the Council and its mechanisms.” This echoed civil society’s concerns over the Burundian Government’s re­fusal to mea­ningfully cooperate with the Council’s mechanisms, including the Special Rapporteur, in violation of its Mem­ber­ship obligations. The voting re­sult on the resolution (23 votes in favour, nine against (including Burundi itself), with 15 abstentions) showed broad, cross-regional support for ongoing scrutiny of the country’s human rights situation.

One year on, the human rights situation in Burundi remains bleak. In recent months, cases of enforced disappearances following abductions by state and para-state actors, namely members of law enforcement and security forces, including the police and National Intelligence Service (SNR), and members of the ruling National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD) party’s youth league, known as the Imbo­ne­ra­kure, have been documented. The use of unidentified vehicles, the lack of information about places of de­ten­tion, and the threats made against victims’ families reflect the Burundian authorities’ desire to create a climate of fear and evade any form of accountability.

Following the 25 February 2026 disappearance of an Independent National Human Rights Com­mis­sion (CNIDH) employee, Chadia Mukaremera, senior officials of the institution requested that its Secretary-General, Chantal Bakamiriza, not be allowed to leave Burundi. They cited the many unanswered ques­tions surrounding their colleague’s disappearance.

Dead bodies are found on the streets or outside towns. Local officials usually order burials in the ab­sence of investigations, in violation of the Criminal Code. Extrajudicial executions and physical attacks have targeted real or perceived opponents, as well as public officials. On 16 April 2026, Com­mu­nications Mi­nister Gabby Bugaga was found dead in his car, which was immobilised in a palm plan­ta­tion on the out­skirts of Bujumbura. Witnesses described an unusual scene, which raised numerous ques­tions around the authorities’ classification of the case as an “accident.” These developments are remi­nis­cent of the extra­judicial exe­cutions committed in 2015-2016, following the eruption of the still un­re­sol­ved crisis that led the Council to create a Commission of In­quiry (COI) on Burundi, in 2016.

Burundians who had sought refuge abroad face forced repatriation. In 2026, Tanzanian authorities further in­creased their pressure on, and used violence against, Burundians by destroying shelters in Zone 13 of Nyarugusu Camp and closing Nduta Camp, in violation of their non-refoulement obligations and of the prin­ciple of voluntary, safe and dignified return and sustainable reintegration. Upon their arrival in Bu­rundi, returnees faced confiscation of their belongings and fears for their safety.

Like the overwhelming majority of the Burundian population, they also faced violations of eco­no­mic, so­cial and cultural rights in a context of socioeconomic crisis, shortages, and inflation. Ligue Iteka refer­red to the conditions Burundians face as those of a “survival eco­no­my.” At the time of writing, 87% of the Burundian population lived on less than 1.90 US dollars a day, making Burundi the world’s poorest country. The country con­tinued to face shortages of foreign currencies, fuel, fertilisers, and commodities affecting several key sec­tors and con­tributing to rampant inflation. These issues are com­pounded by state decisions and inter­ventions in the economy, including the closure, since 2024, of the country’s land borders with Rwanda, and severe restrictions on the sale and marketing of maize, which forces producers to hand over their production to a public agency, ANAGESSA, often at low prices and with delayed pay­ments.

In addition to the agricultural sector, the health and education sectors have been severely affected. Rising costs of living, low salaries, delays in payments by the state, shortages of medicines, and an overall lack of opportunities have led thousands of doctors and teachers to leave the country to seek better work conditions. The phenomenon of teacher desertions has been accelerating, fuelled by salaries that are insufficient to meet basic needs and the deterioration of Burundi’s education system due to poor gov­er­nance. Due to both despair and severe restrictions on civic space, teachers no longer express their de­mands as they used to (through strikes and other forms of collective action to denounce their working con­ditions), but rather quit silently. This exodus of skilled workers and state neglect has resulted in violations of Burundians’ rights to health and education, including through an absence of service pro­vi­sion.

These socioeconomic issues are compounded by the country’s territorial reorganisation, which forces many Burundians to travel long distances to obtain administrative documents, costing them consi­de­rable time and resources, and by the ongoing impact of the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Con­go (DRC).

Against this backdrop, independent actors and critical voices, including human rights defenders (HRDs), anti-cor­ruption activists, journalists and media professionals, face severe contraints as the ruling CNDD-FDD party is moving to completely close the country’s civic space.

In recent months, journalists have faced intimidation for reporting on a range of issues, including the dis­­tribution of agricultural products, a European Commissioner’s visit to Bu­run­di, enfor­ce­ment of a court ruling in a land dispute, or Burundi’s military involvement in the DRC. The release of Sandra Muhoza, in February 2026, after she had been sentenced to four years in prison for “un­der­mining the integrity of the national territory” and “racial aversion,” does not undermine Reporters Without Bor­ders’ analysis of how the Burundian media has been systematically weakened sin­ce the start of the 2015 cri­sis, including through arbitrary arrests, detentions, intimidation, threats and at­tacks.

Those HRDs who remain in the country face significant risks and threats, including from senior political fi­gures. Since late December 2025, Vianney Ndayisaba, President of the Association for the Fight Against Unem­ployment and Torture (ALUCHOTO), received threats and escaped an attempted kidnapping after he de­nounced the sending of Burundian women and girls to Gulf countries with the alleged complicity of high-ranking security officials and civil servants, as well as other abuses. On 5 November 2025, President Éva­riste Ndayishimiye publicly attacked Faustin Ndikumana, representative of the NGO PAR­CEM, by insul­ting him and likening him to “demons.”

In a decision published in December 2025, the UN Committee Against Torture found that Burundi sub­jec­ted lawyers to reprisals, including disbarment and seizure of property, for cooperating with the Com­mittee. The Committee urged Burundi to take immediate steps to remedy the violations, including res­to­ring the complainants’ law licences, reversing all professional bans, restoring their property rights, pro­vi­ding full redress to the complainants, and ensuring that no similar violations occur in the future. This was an official confirmation, by a UN body, that Burundi had engaged in reprisals.

In a context where the space for public gatherings not endorsed by the ruling party is extremely limited, in February 2026, a distribution of fertilisers was suspended following a protest by farmers, who de­nounced insufficient quantities, delivery delays, and a lack of equity in access to agricultural products. This incident showed the level of distrust between farmers and state officials, in a context of widespread violations of both civil and political and economic, social and cultural rights.

The 2025 legis­la­tive and communal elections saw the CNDD-FDD party win 96.5% of votes and all contested National Assembly seats, as well as almost every seat in commune-level elec­tions. The ruling party also won all seats in the July 2025 senatorial election, leading to a single-party upper house for the 2025-2030 tenure. Hill (“collinaires”) elections (held in August 2025) were also marred by multiple irre­gularities, with CNDD-FDD officials and Imbonerakure members intimidating, harassing and threa­tening the population, and key opposition figures being barred from running. This near-complete control of state institutions by the CNDD-FDD party solifidied a de facto one-party rule.

With the May 2027 presidential election approaching, ongoing tensions around the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CVR), and the CNIDH’s unwillingness to fulfil its responsibilities and work independently, risk factors of violations multiply. As outlined last year, several of the UN Frame­work of Ana­lysis for Atro­city Cri­mes’ “Risk Factors” are present in Burundi. With the ruling party clo­­sing not only avenues for pea­ceful transition through competitive, free and fair elections, but also all avenues for citizens to peacefully express dissent, these risk factors are further increasing. With the con­solidation of the CNDD-FDD’s grip on powers and institutions, the Arusha Agreement, in­cluding its pro­visions designed to safeguard multi-party politics, is being completely dismantled.

~     ~     ~

Burundi’s human rights situation remains of serious concern. Ten years after the creation of the COI, which followed the outbreak of the still unresolved 2015 crisis, no structural reforms have ad­dressed long-standing human rights, governance, justice, and rule of law concerns. In the absence of progress, and in light of ongoing violations and impu­nity, we consider that there is no basis to depart from the Council’s current approach. Until measurable and sustainable progress on key human rights issues of concern, including addressing impunity for past and ongoing violations, has been made, the Council should ensure continued scrutiny of Bu­rundi’s human rights situation.

In light of previous cycles of abuse prior to, during, and after elections, the inter­national community should ensure continued scrutiny of Burundi’s situation, preserving the Special Rapporteur’s docu­men­tation role and his ability to report to the Council, at least twice a year.

At its 63^rd session, the Council should adopt a resolution that fully reflects concerns over Burundi’s human rights situation and:

• • • Extends the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of hu­man rights in Burundi;
    • Requests the Special Rapporteur to present to the Human Rights Council, at its 65^th session, an oral update on the situation of human rights in Burundi, and also to submit to the Council, at its 66^th session, and to the General Assembly, at its 82^nd session, a comprehensive report;
    • Reaffirms that all States Members of the Human Rights Council shall uphold the highest stan­­­­­dards in the promotion and protection of human rights and fully cooperate with the Coun­cil and its mechanisms, and urges Burundi to be mindful of these standards;
    • Urges the Government of Burundi to cooperate fully with the Special Rapporteur, including by granting him access to the country and by providing him with all the information neces­sary to properly fulfil his mandate;
    • Urges the Government of Burundi to constructively cooperate with the Office of the United Na­tions High Commissioner for Human Rights, in particular its regional office for Central Africa, and to present a timeline for the reopening of its country office in Burundi; and
    • Requests the United Nations Secretary-General to provide the Special Rapporteur with the assistance and all resources necessary to fulfil his mandate.

We thank you for your attention to these pressing issues and stand ready to provide your delegation with further information as required.

Sincerely,

1. Abacu Bari He ? (“Where are our family members?”)
2. ACAT-Burundi
3. AfricanDefenders (Pan-African Human Rights Defenders Network)
4. ASD-INKINGI
5. Association Panafricaine pour la Protection des Droits Humains et des Personnes Détenues (A.PRO.D.H)
6. Burkinabè Human Rights Defenders Coalition (CBDDH)
7. Burundian Coalition for the International Criminal Court (CB-CPI)
8. Burundian Human Rights Defenders Coalition (CBDDH)
9. Centre pour le Renforcement de l’Éducation et du Développement de la Jeunesse (CREDEJ)
10. CIVICUS
11. CNCD-11.11.11
12. Coalition pour la Défense des Droits Humains / Vivant dans les Camps de Réfugiés (CDH/VICAR)
13. Collectif des Avocats pour la Défense des Victimes de Crimes de Droit International au Burundi (CAVIB)
14. DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
15. EurAc (Europe-Central Africa Network)
16. Fondation Rester Debout pour la Paix (FOREDEPA)
17. Forum pour la Conscience et le Développement (FOCODE)
18. Forum pour le Renforcement de la Société Civile (FORSC)
19. Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect (GCR2P)
20. Hawai’i Institute for Human Rights
21. Human Rights Watch
22. INAMAHORO Movement
23. International Federation of ACAT (FIACAT)
24. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
25. International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims (IRCT)
26. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
27. King Umurundi Freedom (KUF-ASBL)
28. Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada
29. Light For All
30. Ligue Iteka
31. Movement of Women and Girls for Peace and Security in Burundi (MFFPS)
32. Network of Human Rights Defenders in Central Africa (REDHAC)
33. Pax Christi International
34. Refugee Rights Action Organization (RRAO)
35. Réseau des Citoyens Probes (RCP)
36. SOS-Torture/Burundi
37. Together for the Support to Human Rights Defenders in Danger (ESDDH)
38. Tournons la Page Burundi
39. West African Human Rights Defenders Network (ROADDH/WAHRDN)
40. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)